Author : Rachel Poole
Date : May 27, 2021
The pandemic has forced the world’s multilateral institutions to rethink the way they operate and to address the inefficiencies which, in many ways, have prevented the world from moving forward together. In order to transition to a new era of cooperative multilateralism, and not to an era of divisive great power competition, it is necessary for countries to create new partnerships, with both allies and adversaries, that combat global threats and allow for innovative solutions to the world’s age-old problems, let alone a cohesive pandemic recovery.
Stewart M. Patrick, World Politics Review
As rules-based international systems have been stressed, a heated debate has broken out over the shape of multilateral institutions moving forward. While the Biden administration has largely rejected its predecessor’s “America First” policy, two opposing forces have complicated what the new policy should be: transnational challenges that cannot be resolved by any single nation and a resurgence of global competition. The four main models being considered can be classified as the charter, club, concert, and coalition approaches, respectively emphasizing legitimacy, solidarity, capability, and flexibility. The charter approach would essentially continue the status quo, with the United Nations or a similar successor organization being the ultimate administrator of international issues. The second approach would bring together advanced market democracies into an open, rules-based system grounded in ideological unity. The third would form a global directorate whose primary purpose is to bring together otherwise competing systems and nations under the umbrella of shared concerns, like nuclear proliferation, climate change, or global pandemics. Finally, the coalition method would shift the structure of a cooperative body based on the issue at hand, bringing those most interested and competent to deal with an issue to the table and focusing on flexibility of approach. Elements of each of these methods are already visible in President Biden’s goals for his administration. As the world moves into the next phase of multilateralism in an era of rising great power competition and global threats, its leaders will need to find the new equilibrium between the legitimacy of its ruling bodies and the efficacy of unified action.
Bloomberg
Despite its initial exclusion from the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), China has begun technical talks with some of the partnership’s members for potential inclusion. The CPTPP was designed by the Obama administration to be an economic bloc against China’s growing power in the Asia-Pacific region, though the US pulled out of the deal under President Trump in 2017. Many of the partnership’s members already have strong economic ties to China, but concerns over labor practices, state control, and rivalry with the US have significantly damaged China’s image. While it seems unlikely that Beijing will join the CPTPP any time soon, it is certainly analyzing the requirements and benefits of doing so. As some officials have pointed out, the deal’s labor and free-market agreements could preclude China from joining without major reforms to its economic policy, as the current CPTPP members have indicated that they will not make concessions for new members. Difficult relationships with Japan (the partnership’s leading member following the withdrawal of the US) and Taiwan, which plans to apply for membership, have also complicated matters. Finally, even though the US has withdrawn from the agreement, there are still hopes that it may return to the deal eventually. While inclusion of the US need not be mutually exclusive with China’s inclusion, economic tensions between the two nations would make any such negotiation long and difficult. As China continues to carve out its place in the global order, its ultimate decision with respect to the CPTPP will likely prove a key factor in the shifting world order.
Michael Peel & Sam Fleming, Financial Times
China has been running its Belt & Road Initiative (BRI) and expanding its international influence for the last seven years fairly unopposed. While western nations have criticized Beijing’s BRI for having oppressive debt terms and little regard for environmental standards, they have lacked a cohesive strategy to counter China and offer viable alternatives to the middle and low-income countries who are signing onto BRI infrastructure projects. As one senior European Union (EU) diplomat put it, “So far we are trying to counter Belt and Road mostly with buzzwords and lofty policy papers…there is no real geopolitical strategy or plan which is consistent and coherent.” The theme is expected to top agendas at the EU and G7 summits this year, but several obstacles stand in the way of building a cohesive strategy between the EU and its allies. International powers have differing stances on China with some, like the US, being very vocal against Beijing while others are wary of jeopardizing economic and political ties with China. Funding is also a major challenge. Public institutions are able to provide some funding but projects will primarily have to rely on the private sector. Finally, it is unclear how the EU, US, and its allies will be able to persuade countries not to sign up for BRI projects especially if there is a domestic interest and the financing China is willing to provide is unmatched. However, a growing backlash against Chinese projects could provide an opportunity for western–driven initiatives to step in.
DW News
In an effort to counter the devastating effects of the coronavirus pandemic, European leaders are seeking to boost financing for Africa. At a Paris summit, African and European leaders came together to take the first step in what is being called a “New Deal” with Africa. This New Deal will seek to triple the amount of financing available to African nations this year. While the International Monetary Fund (IMF) already has plans to issue $33 billion in special drawing rights to the continent, leaders at the Paris summit have agreed to work towards getting rich nations to reallocate $100 billion in IMF special drawing rights reserves to African countries by October. Leaders also agreed that the continent needs the ability to “massively” produce vaccines for their populations and, therefore, support lifting barriers to intellectual property. French President Emmanual Macron, the host of the summit, has made the goal of vaccinating 40% of Africa’s population by the end of 2021. As the final declaration of the summit states, “We cannot afford leaving the African economies behind.”